Rather than discuss limits of the human field of view, or extrasensory perception (I don't know anything about the first, and the second is a myth), I think we can look at this as a simple case of illusory correlation (wikipedia), which is both a psychological phenomenaphenomenon, and something psychologists need to overcome to investigate other phenomena.
Simply put in this case, we tend to make inferences from positive evidence, or 'hits', in signal detection terminology (the amount of times you've been looking at someone, and they've turned around and looked back), but fail to take into account 'misses' (people we look at who don't look back), 'false alarms' (people who look around at you when you're not looking at them). The final possibility if 'correct rejections' - you don't look at themIn a nutshell, people aren't automatically good at thinking about when events co-occur, and have an inbuilt tendency to see things that happen together, like looking at someone, and having them look back, as being related, rather than random coincidence.
In your example, they don't look at you.there are four possible incidents:
- You look at someone, and they turn around. You have a pretty good idea of how often this happens.
- You look at someone, and they don't turn around. You can find this out, but people are much worse at making use of this kind of information.
- You don't look at someone, but they turn around anyway.
- You don't look at someone, they don't turn around.
Do people whoIs someone I'm looking at decidemore likely to turn and look back at me more often than peoplethen someone I'm not looking at?
ObviouslyIf somehow you could data all four occurrences above, you can think of plenty of examples of the first thing happening (youmight run an experiment where you sit on a bus behind 5 other people, and look at each of them for 4 1-minute intervals each. Looking at 5 people 4 times each, theythere's 20 opportunities for them to look back at (first column), and so come tobut there's also 4 times as many opportunities (80; second column) for one of the beliefpeople you're not looking at to be looking at you. Let's also assume that the two things are relatedduring this experiment, but without data aboutyou're looked back at on 10 of the trials (so not looked back at on the other kind of event90).
Under the null hypothesis (peoplethe default you assume if there's no effect of looking at people), if people only look at you on 10% of the trials, you would expect them to look at you on 10% of the trials where you're not looking at them (2 trials), there's just no wayand 10% of knowingthe trials where you're not looking (8 trials). You can tabulate this expectation like so.
| | I'm looking | I'm not looking | Total |
|-----------------------|-------------|-----------------|-------|
| They look at me | 2 | 8 | 10 |
| They don't look at me | 18 | 72 | 90 |
| Total | 20 | 80 | |
Moderators: please feel freeIf, however, you're right, and looking at people does cause them to edit this response if I haven't comelook back, you should find a significantly greater proportion of people looking back when you look at them, and done so myselfa higher value in the top left cell here. Mondays afternoonThe technique we use for finding out if the proportions are different to what you'd expect by chance is not acalled the Pearson's chi-square test.
The problem, to repeat, is that people aren't good time for my brainat intuitively figuring out these proportions, and tend to be stringing sentences togetheroveremphasise those few cases where both events happen (you look, and they look back), without appreciating the other 3 cells in the table. And this, my friend, is why we run experiments.